Thursday, October 11, 2007

In the last post I had displayed this cartoon from the Times of India,

xntricpundits commented the following on it,

Brilliant cartoon.Look at the way the cartoonist sketched it.You can see convoy of cars to your top left,ropes hanging to trees to your top right.Politician wearing goggles..mota golmatol babu in sharp contrast with lean thin frames of farmers and the dog by the side of cot.Politicians PA holding a file named SEZ.
The irony in the carton hits the solar plexus.
Truly India is shining.

Some more facts and figures to add to the previous post,

$ 41.2 billion is the total money earned by the top 5 rich people, India's budget for the health sector is only 4.2% of the GDP.. i.e. around $17 billion.

47% of the population of the city of Mumbai still lives in slums. Plans are underway to make Mumbai Shanghai. Wonder what would happen to the slum dwellers.

Only 7% of the Indian population holds a graduate degree.

In as much as more than $ 40 billion have been poured in the various poverty schemes since 1982, none of them have been successfully implemented.

PS: readers may also see my post on ' How the Other India Lives'

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Monday, October 8, 2007

India Shining


The Times of India cartoon below aptly describes the title of my post.

Truly we are shining. Newspapers report that the ten richest people in the Country have increased their net worth by 51% in the past seven months. That amounts to roughly $ 41.2 Billion. And yes, people still die.

Capitalism seems to have taken a new course in this Country. the rich become richer and the poor don't seem to be a priority anymore. The left seems to have become a shadow party and the Congress's AAM AADMI seems to be the rich man who wants to make his millions.

Traffic jams still occur; the cities still have bad infrastructure. I still hate Bombay because of the traveling hassles. So the question is; Where does all the money go? Surely not only into the pockets of the top 10. :)


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Tuesday, April 17, 2007

How the Other India Lives



To be indifferent, is a sin.

Outlook India has published a Special Issue titled "How the Other India Lives". It is a series of articles that epitomise the State of the Indian nation. The quote above was said by Elie Wiesel in the context of HR vioaltions in the world (particularly the holocaust), but nevertheless holds true here. The Issue is worked up so beautifully that if after reading this we Indians behave indifferent, it is a sin in itself.

Ashok Lahiri in "Deliverance from Deprivation" writes,
It is wrong to say there has been growth without jobs; it's been without enough jobs, which is different from jobless growth. I have not seen any numbers that show jobs haven't grown. But the labour force, particularly with increasing participation, has grown even faster. So, the unemployment rate has increased. Secondly, the NREGs (National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme) is like life insurance. Life insurance benefits a family only if the insured dies. But that may not be the outcome that the family wants. So in the ultimate analysis, we should not derive satisfaction when more people take up jobs under the NREGs. It is an interim solution until more productive and gainful employment is generated in the economy. It's very important that NREGs is mixed with creation of durable assets.
More.......

Kaushik Basu in "Let the Cream Percolate" writes,
It has to be pointed out that the connection between growth and poverty is an intricate and widely misunderstood one. Growth is essential to eradicate poverty. But growth is not sufficient. We need deliberate, complementary policies to distribute the spoils of growth wider.
more...

Ashutosh Varshney in "A pair of Bi- focals" writes,
Markets must flourish. But the masses cannot be left behind.

A booming middle class and corporate affluence alone cannot possibly run a democratic polity, when the countryside, home to over two-thirds of the country, is lagging far behind the dazzling growth of urban incomes, when the rising income disparities are obvious to the l
ow-income households because of television. More...
Lola Nayar in "The Three Curses" (One of the best articles in the Issue) writes,

Education, Healthcare, Infrastructure.. barring stray NGO efforts, the poor in India seem condemned to Human existence.

When it comes to the public health sector, the picture is as dismal as in education. Despite increasing budgetary allocations to health, states are unable to utilise funds. In 2005-06, 18 states were able to use just 50 per cent of the funds meant for improving healthcare delivery systems.
Government studies themselves point out that the bulk of the money used is spent on infrastructure development, not on improving services. This perhaps accounts for the poor outcome of the countrywide immunisation programme.

Across the country, individuals have found voices, and are using the right to information to seek efficient delivery of basic amenities and services. more...
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The above are extracts from the articles in the Issue. Readers may read the issue or go through the links to know more.

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Friday, March 16, 2007

MIRANDA RIGHTS IN INDIA (part II-)

Chapter III - POLICE AND THE LAW

The above chapters are indirectly related to a greater issue of accountability and responsibility on the part of the government on the part of the government to educate the citizens about the law and not abuse the powers in the hands of the state machinery. In this chapter we shall discuss mainly about the attitude of the police towards the poor and the treatment meted out to them. This will later lead us to conclude the need for checks in the police functioning today.

3.1 The fallacy of Ignorantia Juris Non Excusat

Legal systems all over have been based upon the common maxim of ignorantia juris non excusat, that is ‘ignorance of the law is no excuse’. The principle, the had first originated in the Code of Justinian [1], was used as a defence by the government when people said they did not know about the law. The reason then was that it was simple to understand and not complex in nature.

With time, law became more and more complex in nature and so did the excuse of the government for using this principle. Now, they said, “it was a small evil in exchange for a greater good”[2]. If this was removed then everyone would claim that they did not know the law which would then become difficult to prove. What it then did become was a manner by which the government shed the responsibility for educating its citizens about the law. It removes any trace of accountability on the part of the government and places the burden on the common man to know the law.

In the past few decades, some Courts in the world are trying to do away with this maxim in the area of ‘rights education’. They seek to place the burden on the government to educate the citizen[3]. It all started in 1966 with Miranda[4] and similar instances in the United Kingdom[5] and other European nations[6]. In the USA, this issue was recently upheld in Dickerson v. United States[7]. As regards to the situation in India, the Courts have always sought to apply and interpret the maxim in its strict sen.[8]se without any exceptions In this way, DK Basu was a relief to the poor. But the fact remains that the government does not have any responsibility to educate the poor in this country. All mechanisms of accountability seem a distant dream.

I argue that the rights of the poor would be secured only if the government takes upon itself the responsibility to protect them. Such responsibility does not seem to exist in India. It is then imperative that if this country must develop, the rights of a 250 million people must be secured.

3.2 The Police and Implementation of the Law

I would like to approach the aspect of police accountability by showing how the police is presently implementing the law. The data presented is based on the research that was conducted by myself in the month of December in the city of Mumbai.

The DK Basu judgment says that the rights laid down in para 36 must be placed in a conspicuous place in every police station. In the eight police stations that were visited, only three of them were in a place that could be well seen. The rest five were in the office of the inspector which is visited only by a few of them. These five police stations were in the slum areas of Mumbai that included the Dharavi, Sion and Chembur areas of Mumbai. On questioning a few police constables, I learnt they knew about the procedure and the way it was to be followed.

On enquiring as to how many cases are reported to the Control room within 24 hrs, three persons reported by myself were not known to the control room for the next 48 hours. One of them by the name of Walekar was placed in a police locker for 2 days and there was no record of his arrest.

3.3 Police Brutalities in India

The issue of police brutalities and custodial violence and no surprise in this system of ours. According to the statistics of the National Human Rights Commission alone, in the year 1999, there were 193 custodial deaths in the country.[9] Every day violence in the police station is not a new phenomenon. Sadly, there is no law in the Country to protect the citizens from torture specifically. Such brutalities have been read into the normal sections of assault[10] and hurt[11] in the Indian Penal Code. The Courts have also at numerous instances discussed the issue of custodial violence [12] and condemned the same.

In the Survey conducted by the researcher, around 41 % of the people interviewed had been subjected to some form of violence or the other at the hands of the police. Some of them also included lathi beatings and slaps. One of them, a juvenile, was even paraded around the police station in his underwear. If this is just an analysis of 25 odd people in the city of Mumbai, we can only imagine what would be happenning in the whole of India. I again get down to the same argument that there is a great need for police accountability in the country to stop such acts of violence against the poor and illiterate.

3.4 Reforms in the Police Act

We today have a 146 year old Police Act[13]. The first comprehensive review at the national level of the police system after independence was undertaken in 1977, when the Government of India appointed the National Police Commission. In its first report[14], the Commission dealt with the modalities for inquiry into complaints of police misconduct in a manner which will carry credibility and satisfaction to the public regarding their fairness and impartiality and rectification of serious deficiencies in the system. Various Committees that have been set up after this period like the Dharma Vira Commission, Julio Roberto Committee, Soli Sorabjee Committee and the Padmanabiah Panel have zeroed in on the maladies of the Police Act and called for drastic changes in the functioning of the system.[15] I argue that the issue at hand is not ‘police reform’ that these committees and judgments propose but that of ‘police accountability’. Our country has not taken a serious stance on the issue of Police accountability and the status of such investigations.

In the United States of America, the rights of individuals have always received supremacy over the investigation process.[16] This is to the extent that, if the rights of arrested persons are affected, then the investigation to that extent will be declared invalid.[17] In this manner, some degree of responsibility to follow the law is placed on the Police. Similar situations must be applied in India too so that the rights of the poor are protected in this country. The accused must have full knowledge of his rights at the time of the investigation and if he is not aware of them, the state must remind him of them.




[3] JW Meeker and John Dombrink, “ Access to Civil Courts for those of Low and Moderate Means”, 66 S. Cal. L. Rev. 2217.

[4] Miranda v. Arizona, 384 US 436 (1966).

[5] Criminal Justice and Public Order Act, 1994 (United Kingdom).

[6] § 136 Strafprozessordnung (German Criminal Procedure Code) : Letter of Rights (European Union)

[7] Dickerson v. United States, 530 US 428.

[8] State of Maharashtra v. Mayor Hans George, AIR 1965 SC 722.

[9]“Right to Free Legal Aid: Cause to Despair, Reason to Hope”, A Report of the Centre for Social Justice, 1st ed. 1998, p. 4.

[10] Section 324, Indian Penal Code.

[11] Section 321, Indian Penal Code.

[12] Prakash Singh v. Union of India, (2006) 8 SCC 1 : Vineet Narain v. Union of India, AIR 1998 SC 889 : Sube Singh v. Union of India, AIR 2006 SC 1117.

[13] Indian Police Act, 1861.

[14] Report of the National Police Commission, February 1979.

[15] Poonam Kaushish, “Police Reform: Who Should Control the Police”, Central Chronicle, October 25, 2006.

[16] Miranda v. Arizona, 384 US 436.

[17] Ibid.

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MIRANDA RIGHTS IN INDIA (part I- Introduction)

I undertook a project titled ACCESS TO JUSTICE: ARGUING FOR MIRANDA RIGHTS IN INDIA for my Law and Poverty Course this semester. It involved a field study wherein I sought to provide the ground work for having Miranda in India. Ofcourse, we do have DKBASU guidelines, but they arent enough to ensure due process in our Country. The next few posts are going to be specific chapters of my project.
The Complete Project may also be downloaded here
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INTRODUCTION

It is very often said that poverty means the degeneration of human rights. Rights, that are meant to be inalienable to human kind since their existence. One of the most important of these rights is the right to due process. Every person has a right to life and be tried by fair and just procedure[1]. It is highly unfortunate that while law seems to be in place for the protection of such rights, it fails in its implementation. The citizen is not aware of such law and more often that not, the poor man has to bear the brunt of actions. Poverty, is inextricably linked to the criminal legal system when it comes to the ‘access to justice’ and the protection of rights and freedoms.

The right to life and liberty[2], of which due process is an essential part has been given the highest regard in the Constitution and considered inviolable in nature. The ‘procedure established by law’ as explained in Maneka Gandhi’s case[3], must be reasonable, fair and just. In a country where more than 250 million people are below the poverty line, the fairness of the system still remains to be seen. The legal system in the country is against the poor. The goals of socialism and equality have not yet been realized and remain a distant dream. Most laws are made to facilitate the growth of wealth for the rich and the few that are made for the poor fail in their implementation. The legal system itself, apart from the provision for legal aid, has done nothing to support the poor in the country.

Access to justice can be understood in two ways- firstly, getting justice to the victim of a particular crime and secondly justice, in the protection of the rights of the accused. The procedure to every conviction must be fair and just. An achievement of justice in a case must consider the procedure by which it is conducted. Rights must be preserved, procedure must be followed and the accused must be given a free and fair trial. In the research, I have chosen to look at the latter aspect of ‘access to justice’. The rights of the accused are vital in the conduct of a trial. When a poor citizen stands as an accused, he needs to be aware of his rights. He needs to know that he has a right to free legal aid, a right to have his relatives informed, and most importantly, not to be tortured or be subjected to custodial violence. The situation in the Country is such that with a large majority of the people illiterate, such people are ignorant of their rights and the government on its part is doing nothing to educate them. It seeks to rest on the clichéd principle of ignorantia juris non excusat, that ignorance of the law is no excuse.

On the same lines, the Federal Court of the United States in 1966 pronounced the famous ‘Miranda Rights’ in Miranda v. Arizona[4]. What is said was that on arrest, every person must be read out his rights and the consequences of such abrogation would be the freedom of the arrested person. It attached, some degree of accountability on the police and state machinery for the protection of the rights of the citizens. In India, the case of DK Basu v. State of West Bengal[5], the Court issued directions in the form of requirements that are to be followed at the time of arrest. In the case, the Court relied on Miranda and tried to secure, atleast in theory, rights to the accused. However, such procedures are far seen to be implemented. Numerous incidents have taken place where the police authorities have abused procedure and resorted to violence. This project looks at rights granted to the accused in relation to poverty and illiteracy. It shall seek to critique the legal system and address the issue of police accountability that is gaining importance today. To facilitate his research, the author has conducted a field study, the data collected from which will be used to further his conclusions about the topic.

[1] Biswanath Prasad Singh v. State of Bihar, 1994 Cri LJ 242.

[2] Article 21, The Constitution of India.

[3]Maneka Gandhi v. Union of India, AIR 1978 SC 597.

[4] Miranda v. Arizona, 384 US 436.

[5] DK Basu v. State of West Bengal, (1997) 1 SCC 416.

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Tuesday, March 13, 2007

DRUGS FOR THE POOR

Thank you SANOFI- AVENTIS

For deciding not to patent your anti-malarial drug ; at a time when the existing malarial drugs are becoming ineffective and the mosquitos are becoming resistant to it.

For having concern for the millions of poor people on planet earth

For setting an example for the filthy rich pharmaceutical companies to follow

For helping the cause of countries like India and those in Africa.

For fighting against malaria and putting in billions of dollars in its research: The Impact Malaria programme was created in 2001 and is sanofi-aventis contribution to the fight against malaria. Its four major axes are:
1. to discover new antimalarial drugs,
2. to develop new combinations or formulations from existing drugs, particularly ACTs,
3. to inform, educate and communicate about malaria, especially remote healthcare facilities, communities and families,
4. to distribute antimalarial drugs which are vital to the poorest populations, with a differential pricing approach, including a "no profit-no loss" policy.
These actions are carried out with public and private healthcare organisations and the health authorities in the countries concerned, notably through national malaria control programmes in liaison with the WHO, Roll Back Malaria Partnership and leading international institutions.

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Link

Friday, March 2, 2007

Destroying our Future!!!



Children are no doubt the future of our country. The Government took 55 years to realise that before they started programmes for the benefit for children. 52% of the children (below 14yrs) are below the poverty line which makes it around 180 million of them. Shattering!! is all I can say.

I'd like to put forward a recent example of how we, as 'responsible' Indians treat our children. On the 28th of February, the Finance Minister came and presented the union Budget from which 7800 Crores ($1.5 Billion) was allocated for the midday meal scheme for the children. If I were to put it straight forward, the Government spends Rs 8/- on every poor child in a year. That indirectly will get him nothing more than a cup of rice for one day. Now what exactly does a kid get under this scheme; a bowl of rice and spiced water. Little does he know that in the garb of free food, the government is treating him like a dirt bag.
In 2002, the People's Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) filed a petition in the Supreme Court regarding the right to food. Something that has not been recognised in India till date. While the case is still going on, the Court passed interim orders regarding the Midday Meal scheme and the Integrated Child Dev. Scheme (ICDS). These two are to be monitored by commissioners appointed by the Court. It seems that the Government treated this order like a jolt in its functioning and formally launched the 'midday meal prog'. It would be more of an understatement to say that today the scheme is nothing more than a way to fill the pockets of the corrupt politicians and bureaucrats.
We claim to be a democratic welfare state. Theoretically it means that the Government shall secure the rights of all its citizens and aim for the promotion and upbringing. In a country with 300 million below the poverty line, this remains to be seen. One still finds it hard to believe that it has taken more than 50 years for the Gov. to make welfare programs for its children. The irony is that amidst all this we pride ourselves in our misery. We show that we are a booming economy despite the fact that millions are dying of hunger. At times, we are made to believe that the democracy that we call ourselves to be does not consist of the poor and those who are denied rights. The gov measures to do alleviate this situation are nothing but a farce. Its high time the gov pulls up its socks and does something concrete. Most of these schemes fail in their implementation and there is no authority/procedure to check their abuse. Democracies thrive on the welfare of their people and not on growth figures which is what is happening.

The above picture is nothing but a representation of the discussion in the post. While on one side the Gov prides itself in growth rates, the poor suffer. We have poor children with no clothes to wear coming about and holding a WLL telephone. !!!!!
For more about the budget and society, read;
Brinda Karat - Priorities are Wrong (Times of India, March 1, 2007)

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Friday, February 23, 2007

The Right to Food


A lot of doubt has arisen on the nature of the right to food. While the petition of PUCL is still being decided by the Court, interim orders have been passed to secure the right to food for children and other people. But then, in what sense are we construing the nature of this right? A reading of Paschim Bengal Kisan Samiti and Francis Coralie tells us that the right to food may be interpreted in Article 21 of the Indian Constitution. However, no case has formally sought to do so.

I would like to look at the nature of this right in light of starvation deaths. There are around 50 million people dying of starvation in our country. This is at a time we call the 'economic boom' and see a rise in agriculture exports. Food surplus reached around 12 million tonnes in 2002.
The above data is relevant if we understand food in terms of the rights enshrined in part III and part IV of the Constitution. While part III enshrines the civil and political rights, part IV or the directive principles talk about the economic and social rights. Part IV rights are non- justiciable and cannot be enforced in a Court of law. The Constitution assembly debates show that part IV rights are placed such because they can only be enforced if the state has the requisite resources to provide for them. Since at that time, the State did not seem to have the resources, they were termed as the 'fundamental principles of governance' and must be achieved as soon as possible. BR Ambedkar and Dakshayeni Nivedkar stated that once the state has resources, such rights must be provided for. It then becomes an obligation for the State to do so. In terms of the right to food, Article 47 in part IV gives us an idea of the right to food and the responsibility of the state in raising the level of nutrition in the Country. This right then still is a non justiciable right and cannot be enforced per se.
Now here lies the argument, if economic and social rights are to be enforced depending on the State's availability of resources, would the very fact that people are dying despite a food surplus be deemed a denial of a right and the violation of an obligation on the part of the State to provide? If we have people starving to death and Food Corporation of India godowns filled with food 50 kms away, would this be a violation of the obligation to provide, respect and protect? This is something we need to ponder about. Why is it that despite the resources at hand the State does not provide for the welfare of the people? This does not apply to merely food but also other areas like education and employment. Somewhere down the line we see the whole idea of a welfare state boiling down to a mere idea that exists only in theory and not in practice.

More information on the right to food is available at;
www.righttofoodindia.org

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